丘吉尔的演讲稿

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇一

丘吉尔演讲稿

——史上最著名的十大演讲NO.1：丘吉尔演讲稿

1940年6月4日丘吉尔在下院通报了敦刻尔克撤退成功，但是也提醒“战争不是靠撤退打赢的。”随后丘吉尔旋即发表了他在二战中最鼓舞人心的一段演说：

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。

我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。

这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。

当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?

有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。

我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我

们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。

这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇二

丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters

Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:

I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.

The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,

welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.

And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.

I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1

Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of

I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.

I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and

encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not

understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.

We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.

You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and

disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.

It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,

naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a

disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.

We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.

But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.

Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your

President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.

Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an

unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.

On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and

system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has

been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.

For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully

accomplished.

I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.

There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.

All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.

In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when

they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.

The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has

presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.

If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.

Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had

enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.

The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.

Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all

wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇三

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔

丘吉尔讲演“决不、决不、决不放弃”的故事

1948年，英国牛津大学举办了一次“成功奥秘”讲座，邀请的是当时已经声誉登峰造极的英国首相丘吉尔来大学讲演。在讲演前三个月，各种媒体就开始了热烈的炒作，各界人士引颈等待，翘首以盼讲座的到来。

讲演的那一天，会场上人山人海。全世界各大新闻媒体都到齐了。人们都在洗耳恭听的等着这位政治家、外交家、曾获诺贝尔文学奖文学家的“成功秘诀"。

只见丘吉尔走上讲台，两手抓住讲台，两眼注视着观众，用手势止住大家雷动的掌声，说：“我的成功秘诀有三个：第一是，决不放弃；第二是，决不、决不放弃；第三是，决不、决不、决不放弃！我的演讲结束了！”

说完，他就走下了讲台。

会场上沉寂了一分钟后，突然爆发出热烈的掌声。那掌声经久不息。

被遗弃30年的画

一个“决不放弃”，是讲干什么事情都要坚持到底；第二个“决不、决不放弃",是讲当你想放弃的时候，而是要坚持“决不、决不放弃”的信心；第三个“决不、决不、决不放弃”，是讲永远坚持下去就能够成功。当然，这是后人做的解释。

这场演讲，是成功演讲史上的经典之作，也是丘吉尔给人们留下的最为精彩的演讲。

丘吉尔夫妇

启示：

成功就是“决不放弃”的精神和行动。成功者和一般人的区别，就是成功者“屡遭挫折而热情不减”（林肯）。因为“努力不懈的人，会在别人失败的地方获得成功。”

孟子曰：“有为者辟若掘井，掘井九仞而不及泉，犹为弃井也”（皇家藏本《四库全书》425页），也讲的是成功需要有一种“决不、决不、决不放弃”的精神。

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇四

丘吉尔经典演说词

丘吉尔经典演说词

一

你们问我们的政策是什么，我说我们的政策就是用上帝赐予的全部力量在海陆空进行战争。

你们问我们的目的是什么，我说目的是胜利，牺牲一切求得胜利，不顾恐怖求得胜利，跋涉遥远的路途去争取胜利。

我们决不气馁认输，我们将战斗到底，我们将在法国战斗，在海洋上战斗，我们将以不断增长的信心和不断增长的力量在空中战斗。无论代价多么大，我们都将保卫我们的岛屿。我们将在海滩上战斗，我们将在登陆地点战斗，我们将在农田和街道上战斗，我们将在山中战斗，我们决不投降，即使这个岛屿或者它的大部分土地已被征服，我们那个由英国舰队所武装和保卫的海外帝国也将战斗下去，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时刻挺身而出，用它的全部力量把旧世界援救和解放出来为止。{丘吉尔的演讲稿}.

二

热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水(1940.5.13)

星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。

我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批准已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。

组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”

摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么？我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在海上、陆地和空中进行战争，同一个在人类黑暗悲惨的罪恶史上所从未有过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。这就是我们的政策。你们问：我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答：胜利——不惜一切代价，去赢得胜利；无论多么可怕，也要赢得胜利，无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要赢得胜利。因为没有胜利，就不能生存。大家必须认识到这一点：没有胜利，就没有英帝国的存在，就没有英帝国所代表的一切，就没有促使人类朝着自己目标奋勇前进这一世代相传的强烈欲望和动力。但是当我挑起这个担子的时候，我是心情愉快、满怀希望的。我深信，人们不会听任我们的事业遭受失败。此时此刻，我觉得我有权利要求大家的支持，我要说：“来吧，让我们同心协力，一道前进。”

丘吉尔的领导名言

1930年，丘吉尔在《我的早年生活》一书中有这样一段话：“有一次我受邀为法国一座纪念碑撰文，写下了‘作战时，奋战到底；挫败时，全力还击；胜利时，心存宽厚；和平时，友好亲善’。”

“团结，我们就站立起来；分裂，我们就扑倒在地。”英国在战时能凝聚民心、跨越危机，正来自上述丘吉尔式的经典名言。丘吉尔也没想到，在60多年之后，美国总统与纽约市长正是运用同样的口号与精神带领美国人民渡过“9·11”危机。

1941年第二次世界大战当盟军处于最困顿之际，丘吉尔在母校的演讲中说：“我们不要说这是黑暗的日子，

要说是严峻的日子，这不是黑暗的日子，而是伟大的日子，是我们国家曾有过的最伟大的日子，我们都必须感谢上帝，允许我们在各自的岗位上，参与了让这些日子名留青史的过程。”丘吉尔的领导远见与鼓动力量由此可见一斑。

在二战最艰难的时刻，丘吉尔发表了世界历史上最简短的演说词，那就是他号召他的人民：“永远，永远，永永远远，永永远远不要放弃！！”而他那从容不迫的抽雪茄的神态和“V”字形手势，已成为世界人民追求胜利的代表性符号。

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇五

语言的力量：丘吉尔的二战演讲{丘吉尔的演讲稿}.{丘吉尔的演讲稿}.

语言的力量：丘吉尔的二战演讲

1940年，从伦敦白厅的地下深处，在那些被称为内阁战时用房的建筑群里，温斯顿 丘吉尔拯救了英国。这个神秘的地下室变成了战时的神经中枢。丘吉尔甚至偶尔会在这里过夜。60号房间，这个政治掩体里，他向全国发表了他历史性的演讲，这些演讲给了人民无比的勇气和信心以赢得战争的胜利。

有时我想象：1940年，那时还是十几岁女孩的妈妈和她的兄弟姐妹们围坐在家里的收音机前，急切地聆听着丘吉尔的演讲。对英国人来说那时一段非常艰难的日子：顿刻尔克大撤退后，希特勒已经占领了西欧的大部分地区，而我们孤军作战以抵抗纳粹。在巨大的恐惧和不安中人民等待着他的声音，对他所讲的每个字如饥似渴。

而他们听到的，是历史上最伟大的演讲：这些演讲甚至在我今天阅读它们的时候，也让我内心充满面对人生任何困难永不放弃的决心。丘吉尔在其政治家的外表之下更像一位诗人。他凭借其卓越的文字功力成就了一篇篇让人难忘的演讲，无形中培养了听众难以置信的坚毅品质。这些特别的演讲超越了政治内容而成为文学典范，今天读来确实像诗歌一般：

“虽然欧洲的大部分土地和许多著名的古国已经或可能陷入了盖世太保以及所有可憎的纳粹统治机构的魔瓜，但我们绝不气馁、绝不言败。

我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战，

我们将在海洋中作战，

我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，

我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，

我们将在海滩作战，

我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，

我们将在田野和街头作战，

我们将在山区作战。

我们绝不投降。”

这些演讲将无可阻挡的韵律和反复使用的语句连在一起，让人想起莎士比亚的那种皇家气势。这些非同寻常的文字能量改变了这个国家。它让每个听演讲的人内心充满信息和坚定的信仰，让我们这个小岛经受住不幸。这些演讲进入了英国人的灵魂深处，唤起了潜伏在每个英国人内心的狮性。

它们是我母亲不屈不饶精神特质的源泉，这些特质在她晚年显露得尤其明显。我至今难忘那个圣诞：高龄79岁的她从楼梯顶一直摔到楼底。虽遍体鳞伤，她不仅活过来，而且在圣诞早上，她竟然打扮一新，打定主意这样重要的日子不能被打乱。我知道这种惊人的坚韧是在二战中塑造起来的，伴随着他们那一代人，成型于丘吉尔无以伦比的演讲。

当然这不是丘吉尔第一次运用他的文学才华以达到惊人的效果。他青年时曾做过记者，也曾作为战地记者随英军在印度和苏丹作战。作为记者，他曾在南非被捕，丘吉尔关于布尔战争的报道第一次引起

公众注意。他成为多产的历史题材作家，他的著作包括写于1899年的《河上战争》，那是他还是名战士，此书描写了在苏丹的战役。

丘吉尔作为首相的任命竟意外地成全了他最重要、最有成就的文学成果。经历了跌宕起伏的议会生涯，丘吉尔也因提出有争议的政见而树敌颇多，但他突出走出阴影，成为了担当时代重任的那个人。丘吉尔在写作与发表演讲方面的天赋也在不久就显露出来，他作为一名伟大的演说家的声誉开始建立起来。

丘吉尔许多伟大的演讲都具有散文诗的品质以及充满了激励、鼓舞英国大众面对危难的语言。他第一次对公众广播是在1940年5月19日, 这次演讲包括下面的文字：

“ 在我们身后------聚集着破碎的国家和被奴役的民族-----对于所有人来说，野蛮的长漫漫长夜将要降临，即使有希望之星出现，这长夜也无法打破，除非我们战而胜之，我们必须战而胜之，我们定能战而胜之。”

我们看到诗歌技巧已成为丘吉尔伟大演讲的鲜明特征。这段演讲并非政治家常用的演讲套路，而是采用了丰富的想象力，并通过反复使用“征服”一词睿智地创造出富有节奏感的强大共鸣。它传达了绝对明确的信念：我们将驱除暴政，还自由于欧洲。

从还是个小男孩时，这场战争就令我着迷，我热衷于听我的父母一口气讲述他们的战争故事：我们如何赢得不列颠之战对我来说始终还是个谜。1940年7月14日，那场伟大空战的前夜，BBC向全国播出了丘吉尔名为“战争中的无名勇士”的演讲，其中包含了这样美妙的句子：当我们满怀敬畏站在未及展开的人类命运画卷前，信仰给了我们帮助与安慰。

这次演讲所创造出的抒情般的想象，渐渐唤起了英国人的英雄情结，叩击着我们民族认同的核心价值。这些话让人联想到莎士比亚，是他锻造了这份认同感并传达出了英国人的骄傲：绝不允许我们国家被外来列强所征服。丘吉尔通过这些文字传达出莎士比亚的精神：现

丘吉尔的演讲稿篇六

丘吉尔二战演讲{丘吉尔的演讲稿}.

[丘吉尔二战演讲]丘吉尔二战演讲1940年，从伦敦白厅的地下深处，在那些被称为内阁战时用房的建筑群里，温斯顿 丘吉尔拯救了英国，丘吉尔二战演讲。这个神秘的地下室变成了战时的神经中枢。丘吉尔甚至偶尔会在这里过夜。60号房间，这个政治掩体里，他向全国发表了他历史性的演讲，这些演讲给了人民无比的勇气和信心以赢得战争的胜利。 有时我想象：1940年，那时还是十几岁女孩的妈妈和她的兄弟姐妹们围坐在家里的收音机前，急切地聆听着丘吉尔的演讲。对英国人来说那时一段非常艰难的日子：顿刻尔克大撤退后，希特勒已经占领了西欧的大部分地区，而我们孤军作战以抵抗纳粹。在巨大的恐惧和不安中人民等待着他的声音，对他所讲的每个字如饥似渴。

而他们听到的，是历史上最伟大的演讲：这些演讲甚至在我今天阅读它们的时候，也让我内心充满面对人生任何困难永不放弃的决心。丘吉尔在其政治家的外表之下更像一位诗人。他凭借其卓越的文字功力成就了一篇篇让人难忘的演讲，无形中培养了听众难以置信的坚毅品质。这些特别的演讲超越了政治内容而成为文学典范，今天读来确实像诗歌一般：

“虽然欧洲的大部分土地和许多著名的古国已经或可能陷入了盖世太保以及所有可憎的纳粹统治机构的魔瓜，但我们绝不气馁、绝不言败。

我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战，

我们将在海洋中作战，

我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，

我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，

我们将在海滩作战，

我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，

我们将在田野和街头作战，

我们将在山区作战。

我们绝不投降。”{丘吉尔的演讲稿}.

这些演讲将无可阻挡的韵律和反复使用的语句连在一起，让人想起莎士比亚的那种皇家气势。这些非同寻常的文字能量改变了这个国家。它让每个听演讲的人内心充满信息和坚定的信仰，让我们这个小岛经受住不幸。这些演讲进入了英国人的灵魂深处，唤起了潜伏在每个英国人内心的狮性。

它们是我母亲不屈不饶精神特质的源泉，这些特质在她晚年显露得尤其明显。我至今难忘那个圣诞：高龄79岁的她从楼梯顶一直摔到楼底。虽遍体鳞伤，她不仅活过来，而且在圣诞早上，她竟然打扮一新，打定主意这样重要的日子不能被打乱。我知道这种惊人的坚韧是在二战中塑造起来的，伴随着他们那一代人，成型于丘吉尔无以伦比的演讲。

当然这不是丘吉尔第一次运用他的文学才华以达到惊人的效果。他青年时曾做过记者，也曾作为战地记者随英军在印度和苏丹作战。作为记者，他曾在南非被捕，丘吉尔关于布尔战争的报道第一次引起公众注意。他成为多产的历史题材作家，他的著作包括写于1899年的《河上战争》，那是他还是名战士，此书描写了在苏丹的战役。

丘吉尔作为首相的任命竟意外地成全了他最重要、最有成就的文学成果。经历了跌宕起伏的议会生涯，丘吉尔也因提出有争议的政见而树敌颇多，但他突出走出阴影，成为了担当时代重任的那个人。丘吉尔在写作与发表演讲方面的天赋也在不久就显露出来，他作为一名伟大的演说家的声誉开始建立起来。

丘吉尔许多伟大的演讲都具有散文诗的品质以及充满了激励、鼓舞英国大众面对危难的语言。他第一次对公众广播是在1940年5月19日, 这次演讲包括下面的文字：

“ 在我们身后------聚集着破碎的国家和被奴役的民族-----对于所有人来说，野蛮的长漫漫长夜将要降临，即使有希望之星出现，这长夜也无法打破，除非我们战而胜之，我们必须

战而胜之，我们定能战而胜之。”

我们看到诗歌技巧已成为丘吉尔伟大演讲的鲜明特征。这段演讲并非政治家常用的演讲套路，而是采用了丰富的想象力，并通过反复使用“征服”一词睿智地创造出富有节奏感的强大共鸣。它传达了绝对明确的信念：我们将驱除暴-政，还自由于欧洲。

从还是个小男孩时，这场战争就令我着迷，我热衷于听我的父母一口气讲述他们的战争故事：我们如何赢得不列颠之战对我来说始终还是个谜，演讲稿《丘吉尔二战演讲》。1940年7月14日，那场伟大空战的前夜，bbc向全国播出了丘吉尔名为“战争中的无名勇士”的演讲，其中包含了这样美妙的句子：当我们满怀敬畏站在未及展开的人类命运画卷前，信仰给了我们帮助与安慰。

这次演讲所创造出的抒情般的想象，渐渐唤起了英国人的英雄情结，叩击着我们民族认同的核心价值。这些话让人联想到莎士比亚，是他锻造了这份认同感并传达出了英国人的骄傲：绝不允许我们国家被外来列强所征服。丘吉尔通过这些文字传达出莎士比亚的精神：现在，我们必须独担危难，面对纳粹暴-政与敌意可能带来的最坏后果-----在这里，我们的海域由海军严密防守;我们的领空由空军英勇捍卫----我们满怀信心等待即将到来的袭击。”

亨利五世曾喃喃自语这些话的有趣场景被改编进由劳伦斯 奥利弗在战时主演的电影，极大地提升了民族的士气。

“向前冲，亲爱的朋友，向前;或者就拿咱们英国人的尸体去堵住这座城墙”

丘吉尔的演讲唤起了英国人的集体潜意识。这些演讲重新唤醒了莎士比亚，几世纪前他就将民族魂深深融入人心，那些不朽的语句从理查德二世嘴里脱口而出：

“这一个镶嵌在银色的海水之中的宝石 ，这被护佑的地方、地球、领土和英格兰。”

但直到我成人后，研究了1940年的历史现实，我意识到我们的失败是不可避免的。当时唯一明智的行动是向希特勒投降或者达成一项和平协议。但我父母从没有这样谈起那场战争。我记得曾问过母亲：是什么让他们坚信我们必胜?她的回答非常简单：丘吉尔的演讲。他的话让这个国家的每个人坚信：胜利终将属于我们。

1940年8月英国到了生死存亡的关头：在这历史的危急时刻，德军对英国南部机场实施了毁灭性攻击，英国空军顽强抵抗，最关键的战争还在持续。丘吉尔在8月20日做了另一个重要演讲，其中包含了最广为人知的那句名言，他赞扬英国皇家空军的飞行员，其中丘吉尔对“少数”的表达震撼人心：

“在人类战争历史上，从来没有一次像这样，有如此之少的人，为如此之多的人，作出如此巨大的牺牲。”

寥寥数语就把人们无法言表的情绪表达出来。

1940年9月1号，希特勒改变战略，妄图以对伦敦的狂轰乱炸来摧毁英国人民的意志。伦敦人在丘吉尔演讲的激励下，毫不畏惧地平静地继续着他们每天的生活。当我还是孩子时，我父母讲述的伦敦人在那个非常时期的惊人勇敢的故事深深吸引住了我。他们的勇气是我整个生命中的灵感源泉。

丘吉尔在1941年2月那篇名为《给我们武器》的演讲中盛赞了伦敦人，他动容地讲到伦敦人的顽强抵抗如何使得希特勒的诡计化为泡影。这篇长篇演讲在情绪表达和文学价值上如此丰富多彩，值得每个学习英语的学生去仔细品味。演讲中还包含了这些优美段落：丘吉尔向英联邦国家给予祖国的支持表示感谢以及对希望人墨英勇翻看索里尼的军队的敬意。 在演讲的结束部分，丘吉尔对罗斯福总统的支持给予了激动人心的回应：

“我们不能退缩或失败;我们不能变虚弱或疲惫„„无论战争的突然打击还是长久的警惕与努力的考验都不能让我们失去信心。给我们武器，我们就能完成这项任务。”

丘吉尔继续着他的不巧演说直到希特勒被打败，欧洲重获自由。战争结束后，他开始找手写有关第二次世界大战的长卷。这6部长卷为他赢得了1953年的诺贝尔奖。他的获奖不仅是对

他文学成就的肯定，更重要是对他以伟大的演说激励人民走向胜利的高度认可。

丘吉尔的演讲，毫不夸张地说，拯救了世界。赢得战争靠的不仅子弹和炸弹，关键是信仰。这信仰是丘吉尔那些动人心魄的演讲灌输给每个英国达人这是赢得了信仰的一个丘吉尔的诗歌在每一个人灌输的信仰。它证明了文字的力量可以影响整个国家并最终赢得胜利。 语言的力量有时比武器更强大。