演讲 点击: 2014-04-07
英语演讲:热血、汗水和眼泪-丘吉尔_0
英语演讲:热血、汗水和眼泪-丘吉尔
"BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS"
Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward
toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
“热血、汗水和眼泪”
上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,组织新的一届政府。
按国会和国民的意愿,新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上,应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成,包括工党、反对党和自由党,这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻,新阁政府须于一天之内组成,其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在国会下一次召开时,任命将告完成,臻于完善。
为公众利益着想,我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时,建议休会到5月21日,并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。
现在我请求国会作出决议,批准我所采取的各项步骤,启示记录在案,并且声明信任新政府。决议如下:
“本国会欢迎新政府的组成,她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心:对德作战,直到最后胜利。”
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威,在荷兰,我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续,而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
值此危急关头,我想,即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略,也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。
我向国会表明,一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的,我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验,将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
若问我们的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力,尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战,对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。
若问我们的目标是什么?我可以用一个词来回答,那就是胜利。不惜一切代价,去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖,去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦,去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。
我们务必认识到,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切,没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动:人类应当向自己的目标迈进。 我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信,大家联合起来,我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。
在此时此刻的危急关头,我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说:“来吧,让我们群策群力,并肩前进!”
丘吉尔英文演讲 we shall never surrender
We shall never surrender
Nevertheless,our thankfulness at the escape of our army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonising week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French army has been weakened, the Belgian army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone, "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned.
I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once more able to defend our island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's government every man of them. That is the will of parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost to their strength.
We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.
丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters
Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:
I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.
The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,
welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.
And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.
I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1
Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of
I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.
I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and
encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not
understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.
We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.
You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and
disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.
It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,
naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a
disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.
We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.
But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.
Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your
President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.
Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an
unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.
On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and
system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has{丘吉尔英文演讲稿}.
been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.
For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully
accomplished.
I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.
There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.
All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.
In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when
they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.
The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has{丘吉尔英文演讲稿}.
presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.
If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.
Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had
enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.
The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.
Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all
wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.
关于战争英语演讲稿
a word that change the world at the bottom of your heart, cry out freedom about 4700 years ago , our ancestor huangdi created a new nation, in eastern
asia, from the qin unification to the revolution led by sun yat-sen in 1911,it has
appeared a total of 83 chinese dynasties。 1949, i think it is a special year that the people could never forget。japan and
germany have announced failure to the world. so i have questions. but in 5,000 years, what makes china change, in1945、what made the fascist fail in the long time of the war,what supported the people to fight the dark。i think
the answer is a belief ,a power which named freedom,freedom is a spiritual called
hope, is a free spirit called resistance. but today,i want to know what the meaning
it is for our young people? eighty years ago, someone taught young: sacrificing your personal freedom is
to seek free for your country! but then,a person mr hu shih had told them :
fighting your personal freedom is the national freedom struggle!, fighting for your
free personality, is the free for the country! but today, we have forget it。when
we play basketball in the school yard,when we see a film at home, what do you think?,
or“we are still young?”there is have more time if so,we have given up the chance
to fight freedom for yourself。 a film 《a brave heart》 please fight for your dream, please order your ideals, and from the bottom of
your heart , please cry out freedom. 中文翻译:
一个字,改变世界
在你的心脏底部,哭出来的自由 约4700年前,我们的祖先轩辕黄帝创建了一个新的国家,在亚洲东部,从秦统一于1911
年由孙中山先生领导的革命,它一共出现了中国83个朝代。 1949年,我认为这是一个特殊的年份,人们永远也不会忘记,日本和德国已宣布失效的{丘吉尔英文演讲稿}.
世界。所以,我有问题。
但在5000年,是什么让中国的变化, in1945,是什么让法西斯的失败 在很长一段时间的战争,支持的人打暗。我认为答案应该是一种信念,一种力量,它命
名为自由,自由是一种精神叫做希望的,是一个叫做电阻的自由精神。但是今天,我想知道
是什么意思为我们的年轻人吗? 80年前,有人教年轻人:“牺牲你个人的自由是寻求免费为你的国家!”但是,然后,一
个人问胡适曾告诉他们:“打你的个人自由是国家的自由而奋斗,争取你的自由个性,是自由
的国家!”,但今天,我们忘了,当我们打篮球在学校的操场,当我们在家里看电影,你觉得
呢?,或“我们都还年轻吗?”“有是有更多的时间”,如果这样,我们有加文up the的机会
为自己争取自由。
一部电影“勇敢的心” 威廉·华莱士说:“战斗,你可能会死,运行,你会生活。至少有一段时间。多年后死在
床上,你会愿意交易从现在开始,所有的日子,去换一个机会,就一个机会回到这里,告诉
你的敌人,他们可以夺走我们的生命,但他们永远不会走我们的自由!
我们还年轻,我认为世界是一个大舞台,我们采取的阶段,我们必须尽我们所能向我们
展示了不管发生了什么,是的,每个人都会死,但不是每个人都真正活过。你真的生活,或
你willdie独自一人在你生命终结的..所以现在,请donnot等待,,请donnot浪费了宝贵的{丘吉尔英文演讲稿}.
时间。
请打你的梦想,请订购你的理想,你的心脏底部,请大声呼喊“自由”。篇二:invisible
war无形的战争(英文演讲稿) invisible war
hello,everyone!today,i’m much honored to give a speech here.my topic of the
speech is “invisible war”. it is evident that these days, when you turn on your
television, your radios, even blogs on the internet, all you can see, hear, read and
even smell is unrest.but do you know why?that’s because invisible war can be
everywhere around us.and now,i’d like to talk about culture invasion. in recent years,culture invasion have made much influence in china.they’re mostly
from some western countries.their fundamental purpose is changing the identity of
a countrys cultural,making that country accept their culture,and then consolidating
their countries’ culture. for example,the collapse of the soviet union,is the result
of universal values of the west,under the condition of chaotic ideology,influenced
the society,and accepted by the society,then at that time made soviet social change.in
addition to this, movies from abroad,foreign festivals,and so many others are also
the channels to case culture invasion. culture invasion is just the one of so many conflicts in the world.haven’t we
gotten sick and tired of all these? history should have taught us what we should all know now.conflict isn’t the
answer.but still, we are plagued by it. what will it take for people to just step back for just one minute and realize
that the human race hasn’t progressed for so long,even after many conflicts took
place in different channels in history? i say, let fraternal love start now before we all destroy our own humanity. let
peace begin with me, let this be the moment now, with every step i take, let this
be my solemn now,take each moment and live each moment in peace.let there be love
on earth, and let it begin with me! that’s all,thank you!
2015年1月篇三:语言的力量:丘吉尔的二战演讲 语言的力量:丘吉尔的二战演讲 1940年,从伦敦白厅的地下深处,在那些被称为内阁战时用房的建筑群里,温斯顿 丘
吉尔拯救了英国。这个神秘的地下室变成了战时的神经中枢。丘吉尔甚至偶尔会在这里过夜。
60号房间,这个政治掩体里,他向全国发表了他历史性的演讲,这些演讲给了人民无比的勇
气和信心以赢得战争的胜利。 有时我想象:1940年,那时还是十几岁女孩的妈妈和她的兄弟姐妹们围坐在家里的收音
机前,急切地聆听着丘吉尔的演讲。对英国人来说那时一段非常艰难的日子:顿刻尔克大撤
退后,希特勒已经占领了西欧的大部分地区,而我们孤军作战以抵抗纳粹。在巨大的恐惧和
不安中人民等待着他的声音,对他所讲的每个字如饥似渴。 而他们听到的,是历史上最伟大的演讲:这些演讲甚至在我今天阅读它们的时候,也让
我内心充满面对人生任何困难永不放弃的决心。丘吉尔在其政治家的外表之下更像一位诗人。
他凭借其卓越的文字功力成就了一篇篇让人难忘的演讲,无形中培养了听众难以置信的坚毅
品质。这些特别的演讲超越了政治内容而成为文学典范,今天读来确实像诗歌一般: “虽然欧洲的大部分土地和许多著名的古国已经或可能陷入了盖世太保以及所有可憎的
纳粹统治机构的魔瓜,但我们绝不气馁、绝不言败。 我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战, 我们将在海洋中作战, 我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战, 我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土, 我们将在海滩作战, 我们将在敌人的登陆点作战, 我们将在田野和街头作战, 我们将在山区作战。 我们绝不投降。” 这些演讲将无可阻挡的韵律和反复使用的语句连在一起,让人想起莎士比亚的那种皇家
气势。这些非同寻常的文字能量改变了这个国家。它让每个听演讲的人内心充满信息和坚定
的信仰,让我们这个小岛经受住不幸。这些演讲进入了英国人的灵魂深处,唤起了潜伏在每
个英国人内心的狮性。 它们是我母亲不屈不饶精神特质的源泉,这些特质在她晚年显露得尤其明显。我至今难
忘那个圣诞:高龄79岁的她从楼梯顶一直摔到楼底。虽遍体鳞伤,她不仅活过来,而且在圣
诞早上,她竟然打扮一新,打定主意这样重要的日子不能被打乱。我知道这种惊人的坚韧是
在二战中塑造起来的,伴随着他们那一代人,成型于丘吉尔无以伦比的演讲。 当然这不是丘吉尔第一次运用他的文学才华以达到惊人的效果。他青年时曾做过记者,
也曾作为战地记者随英军在印度和苏丹作战。作为记者,他曾在南非被捕,丘吉尔关于布尔
战争的报道第一次引起 公众注意。他成为多产的历史题材作家,他的著作包括写于1899年的《河上战争》,那
是他还是名战士,此书描写了在苏丹的战役。 丘吉尔作为首相的任命竟意外地成全了他最重要、最有成就的文学成果。经历了跌宕起
伏的议会生涯,丘吉尔也因提出有争议的政见而树敌颇多,但他突出走出阴影,成为了担当
时代重任的那个人。丘吉尔在写作与发表演讲方面的天赋也在不久就显露出来,他作为一名
伟大的演说家的声誉开始建立起来。 丘吉尔许多伟大的演讲都具有散文诗的品质以及充满了激励、鼓舞英国大众面对危难的
语言。他第一次对公众广播是在1940年5月19日, 这次演讲包括下面的文字: “ 在我们身后------聚集着破碎的国家和被奴役的民族-----对于所有人来说,野蛮的
长漫漫长夜将要降临,即使有希望之星出现,这长夜也无法打破,除非我们战而胜之,我们
必须战而胜之,我们定能战而胜之。” 我们看到诗歌技巧已成为丘吉尔伟大演讲的鲜明特征。这段演讲并非政治家常用的演讲
套路,而是采用了丰富的想象力,并通过反复使用“征服”一词睿智地创造出富有节奏感的
强大共鸣。它传达了绝对明确的信念:我们将驱除暴政,还自由于欧洲。 从还是个小男孩时,这场战争就令我着迷,我热衷于听我的父母一口气讲述他们的战争
故事:我们如何赢得不列颠之战对我来说始终还是个谜。1940年7月14日,那场伟大空战
的前夜,bbc向全国播出了丘吉尔名为“战争中的无名勇士”的演讲,其中包含了这样美妙
的句子:当我们满怀敬畏站在未及展开的人类命运画卷前,信仰给了我们帮助与安慰。 这次演讲所创造出的抒情般的想象,渐渐唤起了英国人的英雄情结,叩击着我们民族认
同的核心价值。这些话让人联想到莎士比亚,是他锻造了这份认同感并传达出了英国人的骄
傲:绝不允许我们国家被外来列强所征服。丘吉尔通过这些文字传达出莎士比亚的精神:现
篇四:抗日战争演讲稿 敬爱的老师,亲爱的的同学们: 大家好!
公元2005年8月15日,是一个令人感动的日子,也是值得我们铭记的日子。60年前,
我们的先辈、先烈,用热血和生命,换来了8年抗日战争的宝贵胜利——公元1945年8月
15日,日本帝国主义宣布无条件投降,先辈们用实际行动证明了中国人在军事上不屈不挠。 岁月的脚步匆匆走过60年。黄河边上的硝烟已随风飘散,历史仿佛已经远去。但是,从
卢沟桥头卷起的那场战争留下的教训却是刻骨铭心。对于中华民族来说,那是永远的国殇,{丘吉尔英文演讲稿}.
永远的奋争,也是永远的追思。 有人曾经这样说过“历史是一面映照现实的明镜,也是一本最富哲理的教科书。”还有一
位青年评论家指出:“将那段历史仅仅理解为灾难与愤怒,而不从中寻找其内在逻辑,理解其
复杂性,则同样辜负了那些身经灾难的一代人的付出。” 那段历史留给我们的不仅是悲痛欲绝的哀伤、洗刷不尽的血泪、永志追思的英烈和伟岸
壮阔的史诗,更是追求和平的渴望、永不再战的期盼、强国富民的决心和睦邻友邦的祝愿。 抗日战争,被我们记住的不仅仅是伤痛、悲惨、哀怨,更有抗争、胜利、尊严。我们经历了
落后挨打的耻辱,我们更证明了众志成城的民族力量。 “起来,不愿做奴隶的人们!把我们的血肉,筑成我们新的长城„„我们万众一心,冒
着敌人的炮火,前进!”在日本侵略者的面前,中华民族凝结成了一股绳,海内外华人一条心,
在民族存亡的最后关头,爆发出了民族的最强音。因为,所有的中国人都懂得“一根筷子易
折断,十根筷子变成钢”的道理。一旦中华民族攥紧拳头,就无坚而不摧,无往而不胜。有
一位西方哲人说过,战争是一个民族自我淘汰的过程。没有一个民族喜欢战争,但每个民族
遭遇战争的时候,都会把它作为对自我的考验和挑战。在漫长的人类历史上,有的民族无法
应对残酷的战争,在异族入侵的压力下灭亡了;有的民族则在战争的血与火中洗掉自身的污
垢,像凤凰涅盘一样获得了重生。 同样,中华民族也洗去了一百年的屈辱,挣脱了一百年的锁链,赢得了抗日战争辉煌的
胜利,也赢得了世界人民由衷的尊敬。 落后就要挨打,发展才是硬道理,这是惨痛的民族历史给我们的最大启示。战后,中国
始终坚持和平发展的强国之路,特别是改革开放后,中国牢牢抓住“以经济建设为中心”不
放松,不断深化改革、扩大开放,不仅增强我国的实力、改善和提高了人民生活水平,而且
也为世界的和平与发展作出了贡献,对维护地区和平安全发挥了重要作用。 历史证明并将继续证明,一切爱好和平的国家和人民有能力把侵略者赶出自己的国土,
有能力结束一切形式的压迫和奴役,也一定有能力通过努力实现和平与发展。篇五:关于世
界和平的英语演讲稿.doc 关于世界和平的演讲稿
this longing is more and more intense now when i was a little boy i had a sweet dream the sky was blue
the fields were green and children in my dream were singing a wonderful song of love for every boys
and girls however, after i grew up, everything was gone i see on tv, in iraq and sultan, the children with ak47, cut one anothers throats
the children are dying
the peace is breaking
the world has been seriously hurting under the war cloud. we never want to see the children in hunger. we never want to see the soldiers are fighting and old mom is crying but it is happening; the war fire is burning in more and more place of the world so what should i do? what can i do?
i firmly believe i can give a helping hand to the poor people under the fire i firmly believe i can bring the real situation to the public i firmly believe
i can tell the strong desire for peace to the world yes, a good wishes is really fit me. i know, it’s impossible to change our world on my own but i, but we, but all of us should try our best to make our mother earth more
and more peaceful, more and more beautiful. i think everybody knows what i should do i need to train my bravery to face the blood and broken body. what’s more, studying and exercise is important, once, a successful war correspondent said: knowledge can help me understand the human’s duty, and a healthy, strong body can help me keep alive when i face the rpg and ak-47.
jimmy carter once said: “war may sometimes be a necessary evil. but no matter how
necessary, it is always an evil, never a good. we will not learn how to live together
in peace by killing each others children” today, our mother-earth is so sad that she always gets angry with her children.
so i appeal to be or not to be, it is a question. to peace or war, it isn’t any
question
my dream is not only to be a nobel peace prize winner but also to make our home
more peaceful. thank you
翻译:
我有一个梦,那就是成为一名在诺贝尔和平奖获得者 这样的渴望,随着每分每秒的流逝,是越来越强烈,我的心灵,也越来越颤动 在我还身
处无忧童年之时
我曾有一个美妙的梦
在蔚蓝广阔的天空下
是一望无涯,碧波荡漾的桑田 孩子们,如同快乐的小鸟一般 尽情的歌唱着童谣
那是对纯真友情的赞颂 是对童年友谊的赞颂
但是,梦醒了
一切,随风远逝了
我从电视上看到:孩子们手持ak-47,自相残杀 孩子们身首异处
英语演讲:热血、汗水和眼泪-丘吉尔
winston churchill (may 13, 1940 ) on friday evening last i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.
it was the evident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
i considered it in the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summoned today. at the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. 's at the earliest opportunity.
i now invite the house by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. the resolution:
in this crisis i think i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
i say to the house as i said to ministers who have joined this government, i have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
you ask, what is our policy? i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might and with all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is our policy.
you ask, what is our aim? i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
let that be realized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the british empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
i take up my task in buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
“热血、汗水和眼泪”
上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,组织新的一届政府。
按国会和国民的意愿,新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上,应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成,包括工党、反对党和自由党,这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻,新阁政府须于一天之内组成,其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在国会下一次召开时,任命将告完成,臻于完善。
为公众利益着想,我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时,建议休会到5月21
日,并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。
现在我请求国会作出决议,批准我所采取的各项步骤,启示记录在案,并且声明信任新政府。决议如下:
“本国会欢迎新政府的组成,她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心:对德作战,直到最后胜利。”
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威,在荷兰,我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续,而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
值此危急关头,我想,即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略,也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。
我向国会表明,一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的,我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验,将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
若问我们的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力,尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战,对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。
若问我们的目标是什么?我可以用一个词来回答,那就是胜利。不惜一切代价,去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖,去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦,去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。
我们务必认识到,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切,没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动:人类应当向自己的目标迈进。