丘吉尔演讲稿英文

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇一

丘吉尔演讲赏析(全英文)

When it comes to the language features and the great sentences of Churchill’s speech, I have a lot of things to say.

First, great sentences. In fact, one of the most special feature is comparison. Churchill use a lot of comparisons in this article to emphasize his main thought and make his speech more infectious. Such as the situations 10 months ago and now, the normal people and the British, and so on. Then, quotation. He quote Kipling's words "meet with Triumph and Disaster. And treat those two impostors just the same." He use this brief sentence to expound and emphasize his own ideal, “Try to be brave when you face everything and never give in. ”Finally, repetition. The best example is the title and topic sentence,” Never give in, never give in ,never ,never, never.” He use a series of “Never” to express his feeling and appeal everyone to keep this faith.

Second, suitable diction. Churchill use a lot of thought-provoking and motivational words to make people begun to think deeply and achieve his goal of encouragement. For example, he use, “ups and downs” to describe the situation of the enemy. Why? He want to let people know the difficulties they have to face and encourage them to be more brave.

Third, clear structure. The structure of this speech is clear. Churchill use the first

paragraph to explain his purpose of coming here. Then, in next four paragraph, he told us the strict situation 10months ago, and compared it with today's situation. Finally, in

paragraph six to eight. He appealed people." Do not let us speak of darker days: let us speak rather of sterner days. "

In this speech, my favorite paragraph is," Never give in, never give in, never, never, never, never-in nothing, great or small, large or petty - never give in except to convictions of honor and good sense. Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy. "

There are some reasons. First, it is the thesis sentence of the whole speech and it reveals Churchill's goal to give this speech. Second, it has great inflammatory .When I read this paragraph I feel very excited and anxious. I feel as if my blood have burned. Third, these sentences show us a kind of spirit which make people become afraid nothing and do their best.

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇二

丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters

Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:

I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.

The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,

welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.

And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.

I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1

Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of

I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.

I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and

encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not

understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.

We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.

You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and

disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.

It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,

naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a

disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.

We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.

But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.

Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your

President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.

Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an

unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.

On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and

system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has

been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.

For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully

accomplished.

I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.

There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.

All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.

In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when

they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.

The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has

presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.

If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.

Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had

enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.

The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.

Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all

wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇三

丘吉尔英文演讲 we shall never surrender

We shall never surrender

Nevertheless,our thankfulness at the escape of our army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonising week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French army has been weakened, the Belgian army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone, "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned.

I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once more able to defend our island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's government every man of them. That is the will of parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost to their strength.

We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇四

英语演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪-丘吉尔_0

英语演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪－丘吉尔

"BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS"

Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.{丘吉尔演讲稿英文}.

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:

"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.

You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward

toward his goal.

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."

“热血、汗水和眼泪”

上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。

为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。 我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！”

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇五

高级英丘吉尔演讲、马克吐温

1.Speech on Hitler’ Invasion of the U.S.S.R

“Behind all this glare. behind all this storm, I see that small group of villainous men who plan, organize, and launch this cataract of horrors upon mankind...

在这番刀光剑影、血雨腥风的背后，我看到了那一小撮谋划、组织并向人类发起这场恐怖战争的恶棍···

“I have to declare the decision of His Majesty’s Government—and I feel sure it is a decision in

which the great Dominions will in due course concur—for we must speak out now at once, without a day’s delay. I have to make the declaration, but can you doubt what our policy will be? We have but one aim and one single, irrevocable purpose. We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime. From this nothing will turn us—nothing. We will never parley,we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang. We shall fight him by land, we shall fight him by sea, we shall fight him in the air, until, with God’s help, we have rid the earth of his shadow and liberated its people from his yoke. Any man or state who fights on against Nazidom will have our aid.Any man or state who marches with Hitler is our foe...That is our policy and that is our declaration.It follows therefore that we shall give whatever help we can to Russia and the Russian people.We shall appeal to all our friends and allies in every part of the world to take the same course and pursue it,as we shall faithfully and stead-fastly to the end....{丘吉尔演讲稿英文}.

现在我必须宣布大英帝国的决定，我确信伟大的自治领地在适当时候会一致同意这个决定。然而我们必须立即宣布这项决定，一天也不能耽搁。我必须发表这项声明，难道你们会怀疑我们的政策吗？我们只有一个目标，一个唯一的，不可能变的目标，那就是一定要消灭希特勒和纳粹政权的一切痕迹。什么也不能使我们改变这个决定。什么也不能！我们决不妥协；我们决不同希特勒或他的任何党羽谈判。我们将在陆地上同他战斗，直至借上帝之力，在地球上清除他的阴影，并把地球上的人民从他的枷锁中解放出来。我们将援助任何一个同纳粹主义作战的人或者国家。我们将敌视任何一个助纣为虐的人或国家···这就是我们的政策，这就是我们的宣言。因此，我们将尽力援助（前）苏联和（前）苏联人民。我们将呼吁世界各地的朋友和盟友与我们同心协力，忠诚不渝地斗争到底···

“This is no class war, but a war in which the whole British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations is engaged, without distinction of race, creed, or party. It is not for me to speak of the action of the Soviet Russia will cause the slightest divergence of aims or slackening of effort in the great democracies who are resolved upon his doom, he is woefully mistaken. On the contrary, we shall be fortified and encouraged in our efforts to rescue mankind from his tyranny. We shall be strengthened and not weakened in determination and in resources.

这绝不是阶级战争。这是一场大英帝国和英联邦，不分种族，不分信仰，不分党派，共同参与的战争。我无权代表美国方面做任何行动宣言，但我要声明一点，如果希特勒认为他对（前）苏联的进攻会稍稍转移那些一心埋葬他的伟大的民主

国家的目标或者使他们斗志松懈的话，那么他就大错特错了。恰恰相反，我们将会更加坚定，勇敢地为将人类从他的暴政下解救出来而奋斗，我们将加强自己的决心和力量，绝不退缩。

“This is no time to moralise on the follies of countries and Governments which have allowed themselves to be struck down one by one, when by united action they could have saved the world from this catastrophe. But when I spoke a few minutes ago of Hitler’s bold-lust and the hateful appetites which have impelled or lured him on his Russian adventure. I said there was one deeper motive behind his outrage. He wishes to destroy the Russian power because he hopes that if he succeeds in this he will be able to bring back the main strength of his Army and Air Force from the East and hurl it upon this Island, which he knows he must conquer or suffer the penalty of his crimes. His invasion of Russia is no more than a prelude to an attempted invasion of the British Isles. He hops, no doubt, that all this may be accomplished before the winter comes, and that he can overwhelm Great Britain before the Fleet and air-power of the United States may intervene. He hopes that he may once again repeat, upon a greater scale than ever before, that process of destroying his enemies one by one by which he has so long thrived and prospered, and that then the scene will be clear for the final act, without which all his conquests would be in vain-namely, the subjugation of the Western Hemisphere to his will and to his system.

那些遭到德军各个击破的国家和政府，当初若是采取联合行动，原本是可以使自己和全世界免遭劫难的。当然，现在不是对他们的愚蠢行为发表评论的时候。但我在几分钟前谈到希特勒嗜血成性、欲壑难填的本性驱使并引诱他发动了对（前）苏联的贸然进攻时，我说过在他的 疯狂行为背后隐藏着一个蓄谋已久的动机。他之所以想摧毁苏联军队，是因为他期望一旦这一行动得手，他便可以将其他陆军和空军主力从东线调回，进而投入到对英国的进攻中去。他明白，他必须征服英国，否则，他将为他的罪行付出代价。希特勒侵略（前）苏联只不过是蓄谋侵略不列颠诸岛的前奏。毫无疑问，他期望在冬季到来之前完成这一切，并在美国海军和空军干涉之前击溃英国。他指望更大规模地故伎重演，各个击破。他一直以来都是凭借这种伎俩得逞的。那是，他就可以为最后行动清除障碍了，也就是说，他就要迫使西半球屈从于他的意志和制度下了，而如果做不到这一点，他的一切征服都将化为泡影。

1.Mark Twain--Mirror of America

Most Americans remember Mark Twain as the father of Huck Finn’idyllic cruise through eternal boyhood and Tom sawyer’ endless summer of freedom and adventure. Indeed, this nation’s best-loved author was every bit as adventurous, patriotic, romantic, and humorous as anyone has ever imagined .I found another Twain as well-one who grew cynical, bitter, saddened by the profound personal tragedies life dealt him, a man who became obsessed with the frailties of the human race, who saw clearly ahead a black wall of night.

在大多数美国人印象中，马克吐温是位伟大的作家，他向我们描述了哈克 贝利费恩再其永恒的童年时代充满诗情画意的旅行，还有汤姆索亚在漫长的夏日里自由自在的探险故事。的确，这位最受美国人喜爱的作家完全像人们想象的那样富有冒险精神、爱国、浪漫和幽默。但我同样发现马克吐温的另一面——一个由于饱受了人生悲剧的打击而变得愤世嫉俗、尖酸刻薄的马克吐温，一个位人类的弱点所困惑而忧心忡忡、清楚地看到前途一片黑暗的马克吐温。

Tramp printer ,river pilot, Confederate guerrilla, prospector, starry-eyed optimist, acid-tongued cynic: The man who became Mark Twain was born Samuel Langhorne Clemens and he ranged across the nation for more than a third of his life, digesting the new American experience before sharing it with the world as writer and lecturer.He adopt his pen name from the cry heard in his steamboat days,signaling two fathoms(12feet)of water—a navigable depth.His popularity is attested by the fact that more than a score of his books remain in print,and translations are still read around the world.

印刷工、领航员、南部联邦游击队员、淘金者、耽于幻想的乐观派、言辞刻薄的讽刺家——马克吐温原名叫塞缪尔 朗格合恩 克勒孟斯，他用一生中超过三分之一的时间游历于美国各地，亲身体验美国的新生活，然后便以作家和演讲家的身份与全世界一同分享他的感受。他的笔名来自他在汽船上做工时听到的水手们测量水深时的喊声，意思是“水深两浔（12英尺）—即可以通航的信号语。在他的作品中，由二十多部至今仍在印刷发行，在世界各地其译本也被广泛阅读，这足以证明他受欢迎的程度。

The geographic core in Twain’s early years, was the great valley of the Mississippi River, main artery of transportation in the young nation’s heart. Keelboats, flatboats, and large rafts carried the first major commerce. Lumber, corn, tobacco, wheat, and furs moved downstream to the delta country, sugar, molasses, cotton, and whiskey traveled north. In the 1850’s, before the climax of westward expansion, the vast-basin drained three-quarters of the settled United States.

马克吐温青年时，美国的地理中心是密西西比河流域，而对于这个新兴国家来说，密西西比河就是其交通大动脉。运货船、平底船和大木筏运载着最初的主要商品。木材、玉米、烟草、小麦和皮毛制品顺流而下，被运送到该流域的三角洲地区，砂糖、糖蜜、棉花和威士忌酒则被输送到北方地区。19世纪50年代，在西部运动高潮到来之前，辽阔的密西西比河流域占当时美国已居住领土面积的四分之三。

Mark Twain's own Declaration of Independence came from another character.Six chapters into Tom Sawyer,he drags in"the juvenile pariah of the village,Hucklebeery Finn, son of the town drunkard."Fleeing a respectable life with the puritanical Widow Douglas,Huck protests to his friend,Tom Sawyer:"I've tried it,and it don't work,Tom.It ain't for me...The widder eats by a bell；she goes to bed by a bell；she gits up by a bell —everything's so awful reg'lar a body can't stand it. "

马克吐温本人的独立宣言表现在另一个人物形象上。从《汤姆•索亚历险记》第六章起，他引入了“村里的一个流浪儿，镇上酒鬼的儿子哈克贝利•费恩”。由

于不习惯在清教徒道格拉斯寡妇家的体面生活，哈克逃了出来，他向他的朋友汤姆抱怨到：“我试过了，但还是不行了；真难受啊，汤姆。我真不适合过这种日子„„那寡妇要听钟声吃饭，听钟声睡觉，连起床也要听钟声—一句话，什么事都规规矩矩的，真叫人受不了。”{丘吉尔演讲稿英文}.

Nine years after Tom Sawyer sweptthe nation,Huck was given a life of his own ,in a book often considerd the best ever written about Americans.His raft flight downtheMississippi with a runaway slave presents a moving panoranla for exploration of American Society.

《汤姆•索亚历险记》风靡美国九年后，马克吐温在一部被公认为描写美国人的最为成功的作品里赋予了哈克独立的生命。哈克同一个逃亡的奴隶乘着木筏沿着密西西比河顺流而下，他们的航程。生动地展示了一幅美国社会生活的全貌。

丘吉尔演讲稿英文篇六

英语演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪-丘吉尔

winston churchill (may 13, 1940 ) on friday evening last i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.

it was the evident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.

i considered it in the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summoned today. at the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. 's at the earliest opportunity.

i now invite the house by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. the resolution:

in this crisis i think i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.

i say to the house as i said to ministers who have joined this government, i have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

you ask, what is our policy? i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might and with all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is our policy.{丘吉尔演讲稿英文}.

you ask, what is our aim? i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

let that be realized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the british empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.

i take up my task in buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.

“热血、汗水和眼泪”

上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。

为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21{丘吉尔演讲稿英文}.

日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。

我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策

群力，并肩前进！”