丘吉尔演讲稿

丘吉尔演讲稿篇一

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔最经典的演讲

丘吉尔

丘吉尔讲演“决不、决不、决不放弃”的故事

1948年，英国牛津大学举办了一次“成功奥秘”讲座，邀请的是当时已经声誉登峰造极的英国首相丘吉尔来大学讲演。在讲演前三个月，各种媒体就开始了热烈的炒作，各界人士引颈等待，翘首以盼讲座的到来。

讲演的那一天，会场上人山人海。全世界各大新闻媒体都到齐了。人们都在洗耳恭听的等着这位政治家、外交家、曾获诺贝尔文学奖文学家的“成功秘诀"。

只见丘吉尔走上讲台，两手抓住讲台，两眼注视着观众，用手势止住大家雷动的掌声，说：“我的成功秘诀有三个：第一是，决不放弃；第二是，决不、决不放弃；第三是，决不、决不、决不放弃！我的演讲结束了！”

说完，他就走下了讲台。

会场上沉寂了一分钟后，突然爆发出热烈的掌声。那掌声经久不息。

被遗弃30年的画

一个“决不放弃”，是讲干什么事情都要坚持到底；第二个“决不、决不放弃",是讲当你想放弃的时候，而是要坚持“决不、决不放弃”的信心；第三个“决不、决不、决不放弃”，是讲永远坚持下去就能够成功。当然，这是后人做的解释。

这场演讲，是成功演讲史上的经典之作，也是丘吉尔给人们留下的最为精彩的演讲。

丘吉尔夫妇

启示：

成功就是“决不放弃”的精神和行动。成功者和一般人的区别，就是成功者“屡遭挫折而热情不减”（林肯）。因为“努力不懈的人，会在别人失败的地方获得成功。”

孟子曰：“有为者辟若掘井，掘井九仞而不及泉，犹为弃井也”（皇家藏本《四库全书》425页），也讲的是成功需要有一种“决不、决不、决不放弃”的精神。

丘吉尔演讲稿篇二

丘吉尔经典演说词{丘吉尔演讲稿}.

丘吉尔经典演说词

一

你们问我们的政策是什么，我说我们的政策就是用上帝赐予的全部力量在海陆空进行战争。

你们问我们的目的是什么，我说目的是胜利，牺牲一切求得胜利，不顾恐怖求得胜利，跋涉遥远的路途去争取胜利。

我们决不气馁认输，我们将战斗到底，我们将在法国战斗，在海洋上战斗，我们将以不断增长的信心和不断增长的力量在空中战斗。无论代价多么大，我们都将保卫我们的岛屿。我们将在海滩上战斗，我们将在登陆地点战斗，我们将在农田和街道上战斗，我们将在山中战斗，我们决不投降，即使这个岛屿或者它的大部分土地已被征服，我们那个由英国舰队所武装和保卫的海外帝国也将战斗下去，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时刻挺身而出，用它的全部力量把旧世界援救和解放出来为止。

二

热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水(1940.5.13)

星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。

我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批准已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。

组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”

摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么？我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在海上、陆地和空中进行战争，同一个在人类黑暗悲惨的罪恶史上所从未有过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。这就是我们的政策。你们问：我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答：胜利——不惜一切代价，去赢得胜利；无论多么可怕，也要赢得胜利，无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要赢得胜利。因为没有胜利，就不能生存。大家必须认识到这一点：没有胜利，就没有英帝国的存在，就没有英帝国所代表的一切，就没有促使人类朝着自己目标奋勇前进这一世代相传的强烈欲望和动力。但是当我挑起这个担子的时候，我是心情愉快、满怀希望的。我深信，人们不会听任我们的事业遭受失败。此时此刻，我觉得我有权利要求大家的支持，我要说：“来吧，让我们同心协力，一道前进。”

丘吉尔的领导名言

1930年，丘吉尔在《我的早年生活》一书中有这样一段话：“有一次我受邀为法国一座纪念碑撰文，写下了‘作战时，奋战到底；挫败时，全力还击；胜利时，心存宽厚；和平时，友好亲善’。”

“团结，我们就站立起来；分裂，我们就扑倒在地。”英国在战时能凝聚民心、跨越危机，正来自上述丘吉尔式的经典名言。丘吉尔也没想到，在60多年之后，美国总统与纽约市长正是运用同样的口号与精神带领美国人民渡过“9·11”危机。

1941年第二次世界大战当盟军处于最困顿之际，丘吉尔在母校的演讲中说：“我们不要说这是黑暗的日子，

要说是严峻的日子，这不是黑暗的日子，而是伟大的日子，是我们国家曾有过的最伟大的日子，我们都必须感谢上帝，允许我们在各自的岗位上，参与了让这些日子名留青史的过程。”丘吉尔的领导远见与鼓动力量由此可见一斑。

在二战最艰难的时刻，丘吉尔发表了世界历史上最简短的演说词，那就是他号召他的人民：“永远，永远，永永远远，永永远远不要放弃！！”而他那从容不迫的抽雪茄的神态和“V”字形手势，已成为世界人民追求胜利的代表性符号。

丘吉尔演讲稿篇三

丘吉尔演讲稿

丘吉尔演讲稿

我们将战斗到底

演讲时间：1940年6月4日

1940年6月4日丘吉尔在下院通报了敦刻尔克撤退成功，但是也提醒“战争不是靠撤退打赢的。”随后丘吉尔旋即发表了他在二战中最鼓舞人心的一段演说：

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。

我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。

这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他

们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。

当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?

有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。

我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段{丘吉尔演讲稿}.

期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我

们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。

这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能{丘吉尔演讲稿}.

认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!

丘吉尔演讲稿篇四

丘吉尔广播演讲

Winston Churchill BROADCAST ON RUSSIA BEING INVADED June 22 ， 1941

Winston Churchill

BROADCAST ON RUSSIA BEING INVADED

June 22，1941

At 4 o'clock this morning Hitler attacked and invaded Russia.Suddenly，without declaration of war，without even an ultimatum，the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities； the German troops violated the Russian frontiers and an hour later the German Ambassador，who till the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship，almost of alliance，upon the Russians，called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed be- teen Germany and Russia.

Hitler is a monster of wickedness，insatiable in his lust for blood and plunder.The Nazi regimes devoid of all theme and principle except appetite and racial domination.It excels in all forms of human wickedness，in the efficiency of its cruelty and ferocious aggression.No one has been a more consistent opponent of Communism than I have for the last twenty-five years.I will unsay no words that I‘ve spoken about it.But all this fades away before the spectacle which is now unfolding.{丘吉尔演讲稿}.

The past， with its crimes，its follies and its tragedies，flashes away.I see the Russian soldiers standing on the threshold of their native land， guarding the fields which their fathers have tilled from time immemorial.I see them guarding their homes，their mothers and wives pray，ah，yes，for there are times when all pray for the safety of their loved ones，for the return of the breadwinner，of the champion，of their protectors.

I see the 10，000 villages of Russia，where the means of existence was wrung so hardly from the soil，but where there are still primordial human joys，where maidens laugh and children play.I see advancing upon all this，in hideous onslaught，the Nazi war machine，with its clanking，heel-clicking，dandified Prussian officers，its crafty expert agents，fresh from the cowing and tying down of a dozen countries.I see also the dull，drilled， docile，brutish masses of the Hun soldiery，plod-ding on like a swarm of crawling locusts.I see the German bombers and fighters in the sky，still smarting from many a British whipping，so delightful to find what they believe is an easier and a safer prey.And behind all this glare，behind all this storm，I see that small group of villainous men who planned，organized and launched this cataract of horrors upon mankind.

And then my mind goes back across the years to the days when the Russian armies were our Al- lies against the same deadly foe，when they fought with so much valor and constancy and helped to gain a victory，from all share in which，alas，they were，through no fault of ours，utterly cut off.

I have lived through all this and you will par-don me if I express my feelings and me stir of old memories.But now I have to declare the decision of His Majesty's Government，and I feel sure it is decision in which the great Dominions will，in due course，concur.And that we must speak of now，at once，without a day's delay.I have to make the declaration but，can you doubt what our policy will be？ We have but one aim and one single irrevocable purpose.We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime.From this nothing will turn us.Nothing.We will never parley； we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang.We shall fight him by land； we shall fight him by sea； we shall fight him in the air，until，with God's help we have rid the earth of his shadow and liberated its people from{丘吉尔演讲稿}.

his yoke.

Any man or State who fights against Nazism will have our aid.Any man or State who marches with Hitler is our foe.This applies not only to organized States but to all representatives of that vile race of Quislings who make themselves the tools and agents of the Nazi regime against their fellow countrymen and against the lands of their births.These Quislings，like the Nazi leaders themselves，if not disposed of by their fellow countrymen，which would save trouble，will be delivered by us on the morrow of victory to the justice of the Al- lied tribunals.That is our policy and that is our declaration.

Hitler's invasion of Russia is no more than a prelude to an attempted invasion of the British Isles.He hopes，no doubt，that all this may be ac-accomplished before the Winter comes and that he can overwhelm Great Britain before the fleets and air power of the United States will intervene.He hopes that he may once again repeat upon a greater scale than ever before that process of destroying his enemies one by one，by which he has so long thrived and prospered，and that then the scene will be clear for the final act，without which all his conquests would be in vain，namely，the subjugation of the Western Hemisphere to his will and to his system.

The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free peoples in every quarter of the globe.

Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience.Let us redouble our exertions and strike with united strength while life and power remain.

温斯顿·丘吉尔

在俄国遭到入侵时发表的广播演说

1941年6月22日

今天凌晨4时，希特勒已进攻并侵入俄国。没有宣战，甚至没有最后通牒，德国炸弹突然在俄国城市的上空雨点般地落下，德国军队侵犯俄国边境。一小时后，德国大使拜见俄国外交部长，称两国已处于战争状态。而正是这位大使，昨夜还在喋喋不休地向俄国人保证友谊，几乎要保证结盟。 希特勒是个伤天害理，屠杀掠夺成性的魔鬼；而纳粹制度除了欲望和种族统治外，毫无宗旨和原则。它凶恶残忍的侵略所造成的后果，为人类一切形式的罪恶行径所不及。在过去25年里，没有人比我反对共产主义更始终如一的了。我不想收回我对此所说过的话。但是，所有这一切在目前展现的情景面前都黯然失色了。

过去的一切，连同它的罪恶，它的愚蠢和悲剧，正在飞驰而去。我看见俄国士兵站在其祖国的大门口，守卫着自古以来他们的祖先就已耕作的土地。我看见他们在守卫家园，他们的母亲和妻子在祈祷——呵，是的，因为这个时候人人都要为所爱之人的平安而祈祷，为他们的赡养者、战斗者和保护者的归来而祈祷。

我看见数以万计的俄罗斯村庄，那儿的人们正在艰辛地从土地中获取生活资料，但那儿依然有着人类的基本乐趣，少女在欢笑，儿童在玩耍。我看见纳粹的战争机器连同立正起来喀嚓一声，全身叮当作响的花花公子似的普鲁士军官，以及刚刚威吓、压制过十多个国家的、奸诈无比的特工高手，向这一切碾压过去，展开了骇人听闻的袭击。我看见大批愚笨迟钝，受过训练，唯命是从，凶残暴戾的德国士兵，像一大群爬行的蝗虫正在沉重缓慢地前进。我看见因英国人的多次惩罚仍心有余悸的德国轰炸机和战斗机在天空盘旋，为找到一个自以为唾手可得的猎物而得意忘形。在这种嚣

张气焰的背后，在这场突然袭击的背后，我看到了那一小撮策划、组织并向人类发动这场恐怖战争的恶棍。于是，我的思绪回到了若干年前。那时，俄国军队是我们抗击同一不共戴天的仇敌的盟军，他们坚韧不拔，英勇善战，帮助我们赢得了胜利，但后来，唉，他们却完全同这一切隔开了——虽然这并非我们的过错。

我亲身经历了所有这一切。如果我直抒胸臆，感怀旧事，你们是会原谅我的。但是，我现在必须宣布国王陛下政府的决定，我确信伟大的自治领在适当时候会一致同意这项决定的。而我们必须在现在，必须立即宣布这项决定，一天也不能耽搁。我必须发表这项声明，我相信，你们绝不会怀疑我们将要采取的政策。

我们只有一个目标，一个唯一的、不可变更的目标。我们决心要消灭希特勒，清除纳粹制度的一切痕迹。什么也不能使我们改变这个决心。什么也不能！我们决不谈判；我们决不同希特勒或他的任何党羽进行谈判。我们将在陆地同他作战；我们将在海洋同他作战；我们将在天空同他作战，直到在上帝的帮助下，在地球上清除他的阴影，并把地球上的人民从他的枷锁下解放出来。

任何一个同纳粹主义作斗争的人或国家，都将得到我们的援助。任何一个与希特勒同流合污的人或国家，都是我们的敌人。这一点不仅适用于国家组织，而且适用于那些卑劣的、吉斯林之流的代表人物，他们充当了纳粹制度的工具和代理人，反对自己的同胞，反对自己的故土。这些吉斯林们，就像纳粹头目本身一样，如果没有被自己的同胞干掉（干掉就会省去很多麻烦），就将在胜利的翌日被我们送交同盟国法庭审判。这就是我们的政策，这就是我们的声明。

希特勒侵略俄国不过是企图侵略不列颠诸岛的前奏。毫无疑问，他指望在冬季到来之前结束这一切，并在美国海军和空军进行干涉之前击溃大不列颠。他指望更大规模地重演故伎：把敌人各个击破。他一直是凭借这种伎俩得逞的。那时，他就可以为最后的行动扫清障碍了，也就是说，他就要迫使西半球屈服干他的意志和制度了，而如果做不到这一点，他的一切征服都将落空。

因此，俄国的危险就是我国的危险，就是美国的危险；为保卫家园而战的俄国人民的事业，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事业。

让我们从如此残酷的经验中吸取教训吧！乘此生命尚存，力量还在之际，让我们加倍努力，合力奋战吧！

丘吉尔演讲稿篇五

丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters

Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:

I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.

The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,

welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.

And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.

I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1

Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of

I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.

I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and

encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not

understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.

We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.

You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and

disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.

It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,

naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a

disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.

We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.

But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.

Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your

President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.

Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an

unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.

On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and

system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has

been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.

For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully

accomplished.

I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.

There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.

All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.

In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when

they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.

The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has

presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.

If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.

Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had

enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.

The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.

Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all

wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.

丘吉尔演讲稿篇六

丘吉尔演讲稿

——史上最著名的十大演讲NO.1：丘吉尔演讲稿

1940年6月4日丘吉尔在下院通报了敦刻尔克撤退成功，但是也提醒“战争不是靠撤退打赢的。”随后丘吉尔旋即发表了他在二战中最鼓舞人心的一段演说：

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。

我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。

这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。

当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?

有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。

我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。

这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我

们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。

这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!