演讲 点击： 2013-12-08
丘吉尔二战经典演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪
丘吉尔二战经典演讲：热血、汗水和眼泪 (1940.5.13)
"BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS"
Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never
surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
“热血、汗水和眼泪”
上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届zheng府。
按国会和国民的意愿，新zheng府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁zheng府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新zheng府。决议如下：
“本国会欢迎新zheng府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移
语言的力量：丘吉尔二战演讲
丘吉尔二战演讲 虽然欧洲的大部分土地和许多著名的古国已经或可能陷入了盖世太保以及所有可憎的纳粹统治机构的魔爪，但我们绝不气馁、绝不言败。
我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战，
我们将战斗在海洋，
我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量战斗在空中， 我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，
我们将战斗在海滩，
我们将战斗在敌人的登陆点，
我们将战斗在田野和街头，
我们将战斗在山区。
我们绝不投降。
丘吉尔演讲稿
——史上最著名的十大演讲NO.1：丘吉尔演讲稿
1940年6月4日丘吉尔在下院通报了敦刻尔克撤退成功，但是也提醒“战争不是靠撤退打赢的。”随后丘吉尔旋即发表了他在二战中最鼓舞人心的一段演说：
这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。
我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。
这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。
当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?
有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。
我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。
这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我
们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。
这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!
丘吉尔演讲稿we are the masters
Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives of the United States:
I feel greatly honored that you should have invited me to enter the United States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.
The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman,
welcomed in your midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I -- I wish -- I wish indeed that my mother, whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see.
And by the way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother British, instead of the other way around, I might have got here on my own. In that case, this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I should not have needed any invitation; but if I had, it is hardly likely that it would have been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are.
I may confess, however, that I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is spoken. I am a child of the . I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. "Trust the people" -- that was his message. I used to see him cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those aristocratic Victorian days when, as said, the world was for the few, and for the very few.1
Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal2of
I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons, whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the servants of the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they thought it -- if they thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove me from my office. But I'm not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained permission in order to meet the and to arrange with him all that , and for all those intimate meetings of the high officers of the armed services in both countries, which are indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war.{丘吉尔二战演讲稿}.
I should like to say, first of all, how much I have been impressed and
encouraged by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over here to which I've had access. Anyone who did not
understand the size and solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find an excited, disturbed, self-centered atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel, startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully armed dictator States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia, Japan, Germany and Italy have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a quarrel is opened which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an which, far from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the proof of a sure, well-grounded confidence in the final outcome.
We in Britain had the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure that in the end all would be well.
You do not, I'm certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter; they are ruthless. The wicked men and the -- and their factions who have launched their peoples on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have highly trained and
disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs which have long been contrived and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or treachery can suggest.
It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources are as yet mobilized and developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this same time some ground will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war was evil, which is true, and that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of twenty years the youth of Germany, of Japan and Italy, have been taught that aggressive war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should begun -- be begun as soon as the necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This,
naturally, has placed us in Britain, and now places you in the United States, at a
disadvantage which only time, courage, and untiring exertions can correct.
We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June 1940, and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about the same date, no one can say what disasters and agonies might not have been our lot.
But now at the end of December 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of American industry to military purposes. And now that the United States is at war, it is possible for orders to be given every day which in a year or eighteen months hence will produce results in war power beyond anything that has been seen or foreseen in the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that the whole man-power, brain power, virility, valor, and civic virtue of the English-speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, or associated communities and States -- provided that is bent unremittingly to the simple but supreme task, I think it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the initiative upon an ample scale.
Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your
President, I speak of a long and a hard war. Our peoples would rather know the truth, somber though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world, not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in every land, the question of whether deliverance comes in 1942 or 1943 or 1944 falls into its proper place in the grand proportions of human history.
Sure I am that this day -- now we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength; that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our cause and an
unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings; his heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord."3Not all the tidings will be evil.
On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the enemy: The glorious defense of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have -- the wounds have been inflicted upon the Nazi tyranny and
system which have bitten deep, and will fester and inflame not only in the Nazi now but a lackey and a serf, the merest utensil of his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious people. He has
been stripped of all his African empire. . Our armies of the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French desertion, now control all the regions from Tehran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.
For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding there for the last six weeks in the desert, has been most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of supply upon the desert flank, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to bear upon the enemy. Therefore, we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and qualities of tanks and aircraft, British and American. For the first time, aided by these, for the first time we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time, we have made the Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000 men, of whom a third were German. . And I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully
accomplished.
I am so glad to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, the proof that with proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we have got to give him and his accomplices, wherever this war should lead us, in every quarter of the globe.
There are good tidings also from blue water. The lifeline of supplies which joins our two nations across the ocean, without which all would fail -- that lifeline is flowing steadily and freely in spite of all that the enemy can do. It is a -- a fact that the British Empire, which many thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger and is growing stronger with every month.Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it, to me the best tidings of all: the United States, united as never before, has drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.
All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up their heads again in hope. They have put aside forever the shameful temptation of resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger against the brutal, corrupt invader. And still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and contempt for the filthy whom he has suborned.
In a dozen famous ancient states, now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people, all classes and creeds, await the hour of liberation when
they too will once again be able to play their part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike. And its solemn peal will proclaim that night is past and that the dawn has come.
The onslaught upon us, so long and so secretly planned by Japan, has
presented both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared. If people ask me, as they have a right to ask me in England, "Why is it that you have not got an ample equipment of modern aircraft and army weapons of all kinds in Malaya and in the East Indies?" I can only point to the victory General Auchinleck has gained in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually-growing resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both theaters.
If the United States has been found at a disadvantage at various points in the Pacific Ocean, we know well that that is to no small extent because of the aid which you have been giving to us in munitions for the defense of the British Isles and for the Libyan campaign, and above all because of your help in the Battle of the Atlantic, upon which all depends and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously maintained.
Of course, it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had{丘吉尔二战演讲稿}.
enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points. But considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale preparations, and how long these preparations take, we had no right to expect to be in such a fortunate position.
The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made by Britain in time of war, and by the United States in time of peace. And I believe that history will pronounce that upon the whole, and it is upon the whole that these matters must be judged, that the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life's energies in a common resolve, a new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.
Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all
wonder why, if this dark design with its laborious and intricate preparations had been so long filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears an irrational act. It is of course only prudent to assume that they have made very careful calculation and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another explanation.
二战中丘吉尔在下院的演讲： 战争不是靠撤退赢得的
940年，盟军在法国战场上全线溃败。5月26 日到6月3日，英法军队33万人成功从敦刻尔克 撤回英国本土。{丘吉尔二战演讲稿}.
6月4日，温斯顿·丘吉尔在英国下院，通报此次 行动并做战事动员，以下为演讲内容：
德军突然大举进攻，好像一把锋利的镰刀，紧 紧围逼住北部联军的右翼和后方。
德军的八九个装甲师，每师约有各种装甲车 400辆，这些车辆分组成一个个精心搭配、相 互呼应的独立作战单位，插入了我军，切断了 我军和法军主力的一切联系。
德军切断了我军的粮食弹药供应。他们沿岸直 抵布洛理和加莱，逼近敦刻尔克。
在这支装甲机械部队突击之后，是用军车运载 的许多个德军师团，再后面紧跟着的就是大批 行动缓慢、阴险残酷的德国常规军和德国平 民。
这些人素来是甘心情愿地被人牵着鼻子，闯进 别人的自由与安适的生活。这种自由与安适的 生活，他们在自己的国土地上从未享受过。
与此同时，英国皇家空军早已参战，在航程所 及范围内从国内基地出动打击敌人。此外，
一 部分城市空防战斗机也起飞袭击德国轰炸机群 及其用作掩护的大批战斗机。
战斗的时间持续很长，也十分激烈。后来，战 场的形势突然明朗起来，仅仅到现在，隆隆的 枪炮声才暂时渐渐止息。
展现在我们眼前的，是靠着完善的工作、机 智、技能和耿耿忠心争取得来的奇迹般的解 救。我们的海军动员了各种舰艇近千艘，援救 了33.5万余名英法军兵士使之脱离虎口，免遭 凌辱，安返本国，以立即投入新的斗争。
但是我们必须十分慎重，切不可将这次援救说 成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。而我们应 该注意到，这次援救却孕育着胜利。
归来的许多士兵未曾见到我们空军的活动，他 们看到的只是逃脱英国空军掩护性攻击的敌人 轰炸机。
他们低估了我们空军的成就，就此我曾听到许 多议论。这就是我现在要离题来谈这件事的理 由，我一定要把这件事告诉你们。
这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大较量。德 国空军的目的是要使我们难以从海滩撤退，并 且要击沉所有结集在那里数以千计的船只。
虽然在执行任务过程中遭受了挫折，我们把陆 军撤回来了，但是德军付出的代价4倍于他们给 我们造成的损失。
这已经证明，英国飞机和飞行员比现在我们面 对的敌人要强得多。我对于这些年轻的飞行
员 们表示敬意。
强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下 大部分已经清退。
法国军队被削弱，比利时军队全军覆没，曾经 赖以确保安全的防线大部分被破坏，许多宝贵 的矿区和工厂已归敌人所有，海峡港口全部落 入敌手，后果严重。{丘吉尔二战演讲稿}.
现在，我们还必须准备承受对我们或对法国接 踵而来的第二次打击。我们听说，希特勒计划 入侵英伦三岛，这事我们早就预料到。
当拿破仑率领他的平底军舰和大军在布洛涅驻 扎了一年之久后，有人告诉他：“英国到处有荆 棘蒺藜。”的确，现在，当我们的英国远征军归 来后，英国的荆棘蒺藜就更多了。目前，我们 在英国本土拥有的兵力，比我们在这次大战中 或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知要强大多少 倍，这当然对用于抵抗入侵的本土防御很有 利，但我们不能这样继续下去。
我们不能满足于能打防御战，我们对盟国负有 义务。我们必须在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥 下重建英国远征军，这一切都在进行中。
在这段期间，我们应该使本土防御达到这样一 种高水平，即，只需要极少数的人便可有效地 保障本土安全，同时又可最大潜力地发起攻 势，我们正在进行这方面的部署。
如果所有的人都能忠于职守，如果我们的工作 不出差错，事事都像现在这样安排周密，那么 我充满信心，我们将又一次证明我们能够抵御 战争的风暴，抗击强暴的威胁，保卫自己的岛 国。
如果必要，我们就进行持久战，如果必要，我 们就孤军奋战。
无论如何，这就是我们准备做的。这就是英王 政府以及政府中每个人的决心，这就是国会和 全国国民的意愿。
由共同的目标和共同的需要联系起来的英帝国 和法兰西共和国，将誓死保卫自己的国土，将 亲如同胞，尽一切力量彼此支援。
即使是欧洲的大片土地和许多文明古国已经， 或即将沦于盖世太保及一切可憎的纳粹机构之 手，我们也不会气馁、不会屈服。
我们要坚持到底，我们要在法国国土上作战， 要在各个海洋上作战，我们的空军将越战越 强，越战越有信心。
我们将不惜一切牺牲捍卫我国本土，我们要在 滩头作战，在登陆地作战，在田野、在山上， 在街头作战……{丘吉尔二战演讲稿}.
我们在任何时候决不投降，即使整个英伦岛或 大部分土地被占，我们饥寒交迫，我们所有由 英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战 斗。
直到上帝认为适当的时候到了，新大陆将挺身 而出，以其全部力量支援旧世界，解放旧世界!
丘吉尔经典演说词
丘吉尔经典演说词
一
你们问我们的政策是什么，我说我们的政策就是用上帝赐予的全部力量在海陆空进行战争。
你们问我们的目的是什么，我说目的是胜利，牺牲一切求得胜利，不顾恐怖求得胜利，跋涉遥远的路途去争取胜利。
我们决不气馁认输，我们将战斗到底，我们将在法国战斗，在海洋上战斗，我们将以不断增长的信心和不断增长的力量在空中战斗。无论代价多么大，我们都将保卫我们的岛屿。我们将在海滩上战斗，我们将在登陆地点战斗，我们将在农田和街道上战斗，我们将在山中战斗，我们决不投降，即使这个岛屿或者它的大部分土地已被征服，我们那个由英国舰队所武装和保卫的海外帝国也将战斗下去，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时刻挺身而出，用它的全部力量把旧世界援救和解放出来为止。
二
热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水(1940.5.13)
星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。
我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批准已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。
组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”
摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么？我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在海上、陆地和空中进行战争，同一个在人类黑暗悲惨的罪恶史上所从未有过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。这就是我们的政策。你们问：我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答：胜利——不惜一切代价，去赢得胜利；无论多么可怕，也要赢得胜利，无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要赢得胜利。因为没有胜利，就不能生存。大家必须认识到这一点：没有胜利，就没有英帝国的存在，就没有英帝国所代表的一切，就没有促使人类朝着自己目标奋勇前进这一世代相传的强烈欲望和动力。但是当我挑起这个担子的时候，我是心情愉快、满怀希望的。我深信，人们不会听任我们的事业遭受失败。此时此刻，我觉得我有权利要求大家的支持，我要说：“来吧，让我们同心协力，一道前进。”
丘吉尔的领导名言
1930年，丘吉尔在《我的早年生活》一书中有这样一段话：“有一次我受邀为法国一座纪念碑撰文，写下了‘作战时，奋战到底；挫败时，全力还击；胜利时，心存宽厚；和平时，友好亲善’。”
“团结，我们就站立起来；分裂，我们就扑倒在地。”英国在战时能凝聚民心、跨越危机，正来自上述丘吉尔式的经典名言。丘吉尔也没想到，在60多年之后，美国总统与纽约市长正是运用同样的口号与精神带领美国人民渡过“9·11”危机。
1941年第二次世界大战当盟军处于最困顿之际，丘吉尔在母校的演讲中说：“我们不要说这是黑暗的日子，
要说是严峻的日子，这不是黑暗的日子，而是伟大的日子，是我们国家曾有过的最伟大的日子，我们都必须感谢上帝，允许我们在各自的岗位上，参与了让这些日子名留青史的过程。”丘吉尔的领导远见与鼓动力量由此可见一斑。
在二战最艰难的时刻，丘吉尔发表了世界历史上最简短的演说词，那就是他号召他的人民：“永远，永远，永永远远，永永远远不要放弃！！”而他那从容不迫的抽雪茄的神态和“V”字形手势，已成为世界人民追求胜利的代表性符号。